Hispanic
Evangelicals are in Demand for Election
SACRAMENTO (By Arian Campo-Flores and
Jessica Ramirez, Newsweek) October 9,
2008 — A few weeks ago, Karl Rove,
President George W. Bush's former chief
strategist, paid a visit to the Rev.
Samuel Rodriguez, a man some have dubbed
his Hispanic alter ego. As president of
the National Hispanic Christian
Leadership Conference (NHCLC) — which
includes some 18,000 evangelical
churches across the country — Rodriguez
is known as a powerful orator and a
politically savvy operator. He also sits
at the juncture of two groups that Rove
has courted assiduously on behalf of the
Republican Party: Hispanics and
evangelicals. "If you're the Hispanic
Karl Rove, then does that make me the
Anglo Sam Rodriguez?" Rove asked as they
sat down for breakfast at the Hyatt
Regency in Sacramento.
For the next 45 minutes, the two
discussed Republican outreach to
Hispanics. "We both believe that
Hispanics are natural traditionalists
and conservative, at least socially,"
says Rodriguez, who has not endorsed a
presidential candidate. Though that
would appear to align them with the GOP,
the party's shrill rhetoric on illegal
immigration has alienated many. "The
Republican Party significantly needs to
mend some fences with the Hispanic
community," Rodriguez says he told Rove;
the GOP strategist agreed, Rodriguez
says. "They had an opportunity to fix
this, and they didn't."
Rove has good reason to worry.
Evangelicals are one of the fastest
growing segments of the Hispanic
community. In 2004, they represented
about one-third of the Hispanic
electorate (up from one-quarter in
2000), and 63 percent voted for Bush —
the first time on record that a
Republican presidential candidate won
the Hispanic evangelical vote. In fact,
according to the Pew Hispanic Center,
the group accounted almost entirely for
Bush's increased share of the overall
Hispanic vote, which grew from about 35
percent in 2000 to roughly 40 percent in
2004. Yet the Republican nominee this
time around, Senator John McCain,
appears to be lagging among Hispanic
evangelicals. Though there aren't many
public polls on their preferences, a Pew
Hispanic Center survey this summer found
that Senator Barack Obama, the
Democratic nominee, was leading among
non-Catholic Hispanics — the vast
majority of whom are evangelical — by
nearly two-to-one (he was leading almost
three-to-one among Hispanics as a
whole). "The Republican party should not
take us for granted," says the Rev.
Wilfredo De Jesus, an NHCLC executive
board member who voted for Bush twice
and now backs Obama. "We are a force to
be reckoned with."
Hispanic evangelicals are a distinctive
demographic. They tend to be more
affluent, more educated and more
acculturated than other Hispanics.
They're also more likely to be citizens
and more likely to vote. "They punch
above their weight when it comes to
electoral impact," says Luis Lugo of the
Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life.
Politically, they tend to be highly
conservative on social issues like
abortion and gay marriage — in fact,
more conservative than white
evangelicals, according to various
studies — but liberal on economic
matters, such as publicly funded health
care. They're also less driven by wedge
issues than their Anglo counterparts.
Hispanic evangelicals "tend to look at a
candidate in a more holistic fashion,"
weighing positions on matters as diverse
as high-school dropout rates and foreign
policy, says Gaston Espinosa, a
professor at Claremont McKenna College.
"Having said that, abortion and the
same-sex marriage issue are very
important."
This year, the trend lines are
disconcerting for Republicans. Bush was
an appealing figure to Hispanic
evangelicals — full of religious ardor,
devoted to a conservative "life" agenda
and appreciative of Hispanic culture.
Yet many of them have soured on him as a
result of the economic crisis and the
war in Iraq. Moreover, GOP stridency on
illegal immigration has made the party
appear anti-Hispanic. The platform
Republicans adopted at their convention
didn't help. It called for declaring
"English as the official language in our
nation," and with regard to immigration,
it emphasized border security and
rejected "en masse legalizations."
Rodriguez uses adjectives like
"xenophobic," "nativist" and
"anti-immigrant" to describe it. McCain
has struggled in this environment.
Though he championed immigration reform
for years, he dialed back his support
during the primaries. While he inspires
evangelicals with his stances on
abortion and gay marriage, he falls flat
on economics. And unlike Bush, he's
loath to discussing his faith (he was
raised as an Episcopalian) openly.
Democrats, on the other hand, are in a
stronger position than usual. Like
American voters generally this year,
Hispanic evangelicals have more
confidence in Democratic approaches to
issues like the economy and health care.
And many have responded favorably to
Obama's support for faith-based
initiatives and his ease in talking
about his religious beliefs. The
sticking point, of course, is his
defense of legalized abortion, though he
has sought to neutralize that by
stressing the importance of reducing the
number of abortions. "Obama has run a
brilliant campaign," says Espinosa, who
plans to release the results of a survey
on Hispanic (including Protestant) voter
preferences next week. "It helps to
allay fears among Hispanic evangelicals.
Many are leaning Democratic anyway.
They're looking for a reason to vote
Democratic."
Obama has been aggressive in reaching
out to Hispanic evangelicals, according
to numerous pastors interviewed for this
article. He has met with key religious
figures, and attended a breakfast with
200 Hispanic pastors in Brownsville,
Texas earlier this year. He and his
surrogates participate in regular
conference calls with church leaders.
And his campaign has organized
faith-focused town halls aimed at the
Hispanic religious community. The McCain
campaign hasn't been as active,
according to the pastors.
A month out from the election, many
Hispanic evangelicals are still
grappling with their presidential pick.
"I've never been more conflicted in my
life," says Alejandro Mandes, national
director of Hispanic ministries for the
Evangelical Free Church of America,
which has roughly 350,000 members
nationwide. "Social justice for me is
number one," he says. "But if I can't
guarantee justice for infants [by
opposing abortion], what hope is there
for anybody else?" That quandary has
split some national organizations down
the middle. Delegates of the National
Coalition of Hispanic Clergy and
Christian Leaders, an evangelical
advocacy organization, recently voted on
whom to endorse for president. The
outcome: 53 percent chose McCain, and 47
percent sided with Obama. Rodriguez's
organization, the NHCLC, has its own
divisions. While the Rev. Mark Gonzalez,
the group's vice president for
governmental affairs, backs McCain, De
Jesus, the organization's vice president
for social justice, supports Obama.
De Jesus's endorsement was a coup for
the Illinois senator's campaign. The
senior pastor of Chicago's 4,500-member
New Life Covenant Ministries — one of
the biggest Hispanic evangelical
churches in the country — De Jesus says
that in past presidential elections, he
opted for Republicans because of the
"two hot buttons" of abortion and
marriage. Those issues "continue to be
on the forefront," he says. "But the
trends are changing. Not that the
buttons are changing. But we've elevated
other issues like poverty and
immigration." When De Jesus met Obama in
person at the Brownsville gathering this
year, he laid hands on the senator,
prayed with him and sat down to discuss
a variety of topics. "That was the
turning point right there, hearing his
heartbeat on issues important to us,"
says De Jesus. "Although we don't see
eye to eye on certain issues, we can
break bread and tackle some other issues
that are hot for us." These days, De
Jesus is traveling the country on behalf
of Obama, cultivating support in
battleground states like Florida and
Colorado.
Rodriguez, however, is much more
conflicted. He says he'll pull the lever
for McCain in the voting booth but has
no plans to publicly endorse him. He
might have done so if the Republican
leadership had publicly repudiated what
he considers the party's xenophobic
stances. On the other hand, "if Senator
Obama was a pro-life,
pro-traditional-marriage Democrat," he
says, "I would have supported him
completely." Neither scenario, of
course, will come to pass. As Rigoberto
Magaña, pastor of New Hope Christian
Fellowship in Greeley, Colo., puts it,
"If we could combine the two candidates,
it would really help us out. But I guess
we don't have that luxury."